Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Opinion. Show all posts

The dangers of the Communist silence

We live in the Information Age. While there are still restrictions on freedom of expression, we have never been so connected, with access to the news, power to contribute and comment.
The strategy of the communist revolution which was previously perceived by your direct coercion between entities of power and  the “dominated” now in the information age needs to be renewed, since citizens are not merely passive agents, on the contrary, can organize themselves as opposition and resistance.
In an article published in 2006, Brazilian journalist Diego Casagrande wrote the timeless text:
“Do not expect tanks, rifles and siege. Do not wait concentration camps and radio stations, TVs and newsrooms occupied by agents of suppression of freedom. [...] Do not expect the regime officials in green uniforms and red starlet circulating in the cities. Do not wait because you will not find, at least for now. The communist revolution [...] has not historically known face. It is quite different. It is silent and sneaky today.”
So what’s the strategy?
In societies where social transformations occur, where large groups are organized in trade unions, political parties or even in social networks, the revolution happens in seeking consent of these groups. Exactly. You need to “join the enemy” to “gain a new friend.”
The Communist silence in fact is based on the constitution of a moral conscience. It creates a sense of cultural disorder that needs to be repaired, which, when understood (and accepted) by social groups, which become practical action.
In communist revolution, the moral conscience is the idea of ​​”dehumanization” of professional success. Still in his article, Casagrande strengthened:
“This revolution prevents people to dream of a better economic life, because those who grow in life, those who get to have more, stop being human and become a shameless capitalist and exploitative of others. Have is incompatible with being. This is the principle that we are witnessing. Everyone has to believe in these misrepresented values ​​that only hinder the development of people and, therefore, the awakening of a country and a people that should be there in front.”
So, what’s good becomes bad and, according to what Casagrande sees “collectivism in economic output for all ills. Never mind that this model [Communist] has not produced a single nation where their practices have improved the lives of the majority of the population. Instead, it always bogs down to genocide or absolute poverty to almost everyone.”
In modern revolution, there is no seizure of power that is not preceded by a change in mindset. Finally, Casagrande completes and presents the solution:
“Some even complain, but many [...] ashamed to be seen as different. They are not a minority, they are not wrong, but feel so. The silent revolution progresses and the deterrent is fear of what we may think of them. The antidote to the silent revolution? Put the whistle, alert, report, make you think, disturb the silent Stazi agents. There is no silence that resists the noise.”

Brigade 911 Had Brutal History Before Garment Factory Strike

By Brad Adams
I met General Chap Pheakdei for the first and only time in July 1997. It was about a week after Prime Minister Hun Sen’s coup against Funcinpec. I was with the U.N. human rights office then, and we were working around the clock investigating widespread cases of extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances and torture. Bodies were turning up all over the place. One man’s body I helped dig up was dressed only in underpants. He was handcuffed behind his back and had a bullet in his head.
July 1997 was a month of corpses, enough to make many of us numb.
The coup was opposed by senior CPP figures, so it was an a la carte affair in which Mr. Hun Sen used willing elements of the army, the police, and the gendarmerie.
One of the willing soldiers was Chap Pheakdei, the commander of the Indonesian-trained parachute Brigade 911, which was involved in the violent suppression of protests by garment workers last week.
After the coup, the U.N. received reports that dozens of people were being unlawfully detained and tortured at the 911 base west of Phnom Penh International Airport. Many were forced to drink from the same swamp into which they urinated and defecated.
According to a U.N. report on human rights abuses at Brigade 911 after the coup: “The torture involved beatings with a belt, the wooden leg of a table, a wooden plank, kicking with combat boots and the knees, punches in the face and the body. It also involved death threats, by pointing the end of a gun against the head and threatening to shoot. An iron vice was also used on several detainees, to squeeze their fingers or hands until they responded satisfactorily. They were tortured to obtain intelligence, extract confessions and make them sign a statement of guilt prepared on a standard model. They were forced to…admit that there was a plan underway by Funcinpec to conspire against the CPP; to confess that they were Khmer Rouge soldiers brought from Pailin or Anlong Veng; and to confess that they had been brought to Phnom Penh to fight Hun Sen.”
The detainees realized quickly that their interrogators were not interested in finding the truth but wanted solely to obtain certain responses. As one of them explained, in words echoed by others: “They asked me whether I was a Khmer Rouge from Pailin or Anlong Veng. If I responded that I was not a Khmer Rouge, then they beat me up. So I had to admit to avoid being beaten. They also asked me what was the purpose of the war we were pursuing and who did we want to kill. The expected response was ‘Hun Sen.’ The more you resisted the more you would be tortured.”
A detainee undergoing interrogation saw another detainee being interrogated in the room next to his. The interrogators forced the man’s head in a bucket of water until he fainted and defecated on himself. Ten days after their release, several of the tortured detainees still had clear marks of blows on the back, shoulders, and arms.
After interviewing some of the released detainees, four Cambodian colleagues and I from the U.N. human rights office went to the 911 base to investigate further. It was then that I met Chap Pheakdei. When I asked him about these allegations, Chap Pheakedei first strongly denied that any detainees had been held at 911. But within minutes he changed his story, admitting that some had been held but disclaiming any knowledge of what had happened to them or when they had been released.
Then a farcical scene played out. One of the U.N. team saw a wooden storage hut that matched the description we had received from detainees. We walked to the hut and knocked on the door. A person locked inside answered. We all heard his voice, yet Chap Pheakedei insisted there was no one there. We told him we would not leave until the man was produced. Chap Pheakedei then said that, yes, a man was in there, but the person with the key had left and we should come back the next day. Fearing for the man’s life, we said no.
A three-hour standoff ensued. It was now dark. Chap Pheakdei’s forces were overheard in Khmer referring to the U.N. staff on their hand-held radios, asking, “Should we fry these fish?” The response was, “These fish are too big to fry.” My Cambodian staff only told me about this conversation later, on our way home, saying they didn’t want to worry me.
I was amazed by their courage, holding their ground knowing that any minute the order could come to have them killed. Only when the head of the gendarmerie arrived was the detainee released and re-turned safely home.
Brigade 911 has been accused of a litany of abuses in the years since. But instead of removing Chap Pheakedei from the military or prosecuting him and his subordinates, Chap Pheakedei has been promoted. He is even a member of the CPP Central Committee. Such are the rewards for being one of Mr. Hun Sen’s most loyal commanders. It thus came as no surprise when I learned that Brigade 911 had attacked protesters. Chap Pheakedei and 911 have long shown themselves to be willing to use violence for political purposes.
The public has the right to know who ordered Brigade 911 to be deployed last week.
Did Chap Pheakdei make this decision on his own? This seems unlikely, but it is a question that should be addressed as part of a wider independent investigation into last week’s events. That investigation should also examine why the gendarmerie fired into crowds, who gave those orders, and why 23 people were detained for days without information about their whereabouts or access to counsel or medical care.
There is a wider problem. Military units in Cambodia and elsewhere are not trained to deal with protests and should not be deployed for crowd control. Donors and countries such as the U.S., which have relations with the Cambodian military, should demand the end of the use of the army for political reasons.
Instead of banning demonstrations, donors should insist that the government respect the rights of workers or the political opposition to freedom of assembly, association and expression, including those who were encamped at Freedom Park.
If crowd control measures are necessary, this should be the job of the police, not the army or paramilitary force like the gendarmerie.
Will the government authorize and independent investigation that follows responsibility wherever the trail leads, even if it points to the military leadership or the government? Sadly, this is unlikely. While impunity flourishes among the Cambodian leadership, a willingness to address it is nowhere in sight.
Brad Adams is the Asia director at Human Rights Watch in New York

Original The Cambodia Daily.

Somaly Mam Should Either Defend or Explain Herself


By John Lowrie
There can be no excuse for lies and deceit in any organization seeking the generosity of kind, caring people to assist innocent victims of suffering or abuse.
Somaly Mam must answer the questions raised (October 12-13 “Secrets and Lies”). She must exercise her right to defend herself, and if she cannot do that, to try to explain herself.
She should not stay silent until the fuss dies down.
There are, however, more important questions to be asked and answered: Firstly, even if important aspects of Ms. Mam’s stories are fabricated, is the picture she portrays accurate of the situation as far as victims of abuse are concerned in Cambodia?
If it is—and the evidence from many credible local and international sources suggests it is—then it would be a travesty of justice if this story were to damage other worthy organizations helping victims and preventing abuse.


Their detractors have often accused them of exaggerating the state of human rights, to raise funds, to justify their existence.
Secondly, as with all such organizations, “Are the funds raised for a specific purpose used for that exact purpose?”
Only full transparent, accountable disclosure will answer that.
There can be little doubt that donors expect their money to go directly to assist victims.
It should not be used to enrich people. It should not support extravagance in the way NGOs operate.
Thirdly, “Is this an effective use of the money for the stated purpose?”
A simple analysis of the ratio of funds expended to victims assisted will reveal a lot and allow comparison with other NGOs. Rehabilitation programs can be expensive, often benefiting a few.
A balance has to be struck in order to reach out to help the majority of victims, and more importantly, for preventative work to stop their flow and to tackle root causes.
Poor Cambodian families can work their own way out of poverty for as little as $100 in the right circumstances. Most do want their daughters to go to school. Those are the real solutions to the supply side of human trafficking.
The Somaly Mam Foundation’s Cambodian NGO Agir Pour Les Femmes en Situation Precaire (Afesip) often selects foreign perpetrators of abuse, with high-profile raids including on brothels. These tactics do little to search out the most common groups of perpetrators—Cambodian men from all walks of life, especially those with power and wealth.
In fact, most crimes are unreported, committed with impunity and seldom are those responsible, i.e., up the supply chain, apprehended.
Even worse, very often the system treats the women and children “rescued” as criminals and condemned as outcasts of society.
Fourthly, are the revelations here just an aberration, or the latest from a flawed system by which overseas aid and development is administered?
There have been many authoritative studies on this subject, with Cambodia featuring due its place as one of the most prominent and assisted developing countries.
Sadly, with regularity, organizations and individuals fall from grace. Sometimes their stories appear in the media, at other times they simply fade away.
Donors usually prefer to avoid publicity. Some donor representatives even regard impropriety in developing countries like Cambodia as anunavoidable and inconsequential aspect of the mission. If I am to have an epitaph from my 15 years so far in Cambodia, it will probably be “John, why be an island of propriety in a sea of corruption?”
This is the advice one head of a major aid agency proffered me after declining to take action in the case of one (now fallen) aid hero.
I know of three cases where expensive vehicles, imported tax and duty-free, intended to go in the service of poor people, have ended up as the personal conveyances of NGO leaders.
Around the same time, I spotted an international appeal for funds by a disability organization. I recognized the little girl featured in the appeal, but without her customary smile.
The NGO did not even operate in the province in which she lived, and the message of pity they conveyed was not hers. She, like most disabled people I know, just want the chance prove that “they can do” and be given an equal chance to do so.
In fairness to the NGO, it did withdraw the advertisement after my remonstrations, but we gained no such apology from a similar transgressor organization. This one escorted potential donors to a beneficiary to show the quality and impact of its work. Only the client happened to belong to my NGO and one of the visitors had gone there before!
There is a colleague in the aid sector who has vented his frustration publicly about the conduct of its NGOs. He has paid the penalty. His organization has demonstrated more than any other the “we can do” ability of Cambodian athletes who happen to be disabled. Their team rose almost to the top of the world rankings in volleyball.
However, since his critical writing on the aid sector, funds have dried up.
Most donors do not want bad news.
It is a fact that they and their implementing NGOs feel pressured to paint a positive picture of projects.
Future funding depends on it.
I have been the final editor of reports to donors. In several cases, NGO bosses have exhorted me to “talk up” achievements, and “play down” failures in those reports.
Failure, apparently, is a politically incorrect word for NGOs and donors. Instead of failure, they use such terms as “unanticipated variation from the original plan.”
If that phrase cannot disguise the flops, then “underachievements” will do instead!
A colleague and I to this day always have a laugh on this subject. It was his job to synthesize the reports I had edited, with those of other grantees.
His brief was to also further “strengthen” those reports before submission to International HQ, where the final editor completed the task.
The trend in recent years is to have accuracy checked by external evaluators.
Such exercises are intended to reassure donors and stakeholders. Evaluators are well-paid.
I have read many such evaluations. They follow a pattern with the aim of securing repeat funding and future evaluation commissions. I upset one author and his donor. He had failed to mention in his “independent” report that he was the founder and former director of one of the 10 NGOs studied.
Maybe this had something to do with him praising the NGO no less than three times in his executive summary?
I have been advocating for years for unannounced random mid- and post-project inspections, and not by people from same inner-circle of development actors.
Nobody yet has taken it up.
Accuracy and truthfulness cannot be measured objectively in any culture, let alone one like Cambodia where in the recent past to lie, and to lie well, was a way to survive Khmer Rouge scrutiny.
I have heard often that “A lie is not a lie if it is for a greater good!”
Honesty is also problematical.
In the Khmer language there is a single word “smoch trong” for “loyalty” and “honesty.”
Cambodians, conditioned to “korup” (respect) and “kaowd klach” (admire and fear), may not understand the antitheses.
Provided they stay loyal to a leader or a cause, can they be dishonest? Even where they know that it is wrong to take money from poor people, the “greater good” is to please their patron, who may return some of it in the form of gifts or handouts!
This issue should have enormous ramifications when examining governance and corruption.
It may also help to understand, if not excuse, Ms. Mam.
John Lowrie is a human resources officer by profession. He has been an aid and development worker since 1985, working in five developing countries, and Cambodia since 1998 where he has been country representative of three international NGOs and formal adviser to seven local development and human rights organizations.
© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.

Stone-Throwing Youth Should Not Be Mistaken for Opposition


By Cindy Chojnacky
Walking to church on Sunday, we circumvented barricades and razor wire and passed shuttered businesses and omnipresent military forces—“One Dead, Several Injured as CNRP Supporters, Police Clash,” (Se­tember 16). The peaceable gathering of the CNRP at Freedom Park was quite a contrast. I was out on the riverfront when someone threw a barricade into the river.
I did not see any CNRP insignia, and it looked like the crowd was just fed up with the barricades. It also appears that most people involved in the sad Monivong Bridge incident (including the man killed) were just trying to cross the bridge. I read that authorities blamed the CNRP instead of admitting their own role in creating hostility with needless blockades, razor wire and troops.
The media should not aid such accusations and should avoid linking incidents to “demonstrators” or “protesters” until the facts are known.

Cindy Chojnacky, Strategic Communication Consultant for Natural Resources Management, Phnom Penh
© 2013, The Cambodia Daily. All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced in print, electronically, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without written permission.